SSm»31*Xfi}m>XiiSm^£fi]m ;iyS-jyi>)A 




Book L ^ 5 



REOONSTRUOTIOJ^ 



What i, . ■•^i."'"7rsLtr„SSZn\°o\"e''".e;^.'S:vtS:entrJ>: 
r".'r.?:« 'S°'tf tlwhtt will b. th.« reUtics „he. tho« Su.e. are 
subdued by force of arms? 

SPEECH 



HON. J. ¥. LONGYEAU, 

OF MICHIG-AN, 

ON THE 

RECONSTRUCTION OF THE TNION. 

DELIVERED IN THE ^^^^^T^^^^^^^' ^^^^^ ''' ''''■ 

Mr. SPK.KKK: It has been n.y intention ^^^f f^.tkfnrthVttSrythrHU: 
-r JeS^wtl: Sn :r:rsotne\ r.e iC^ani'e to tbe interest, of tbe 

anomalous condition of the country out of wh.ch > -;--.^^^;^^\'^P^j^,,,,,t felt an^ 
^^iSdlr/ar^dfo r.\?t"o^^7u:^tbirett demand tblfreest and fullest 

n-ndTe busine. o^^^^^l^^':-:^,::^ ^^^It^ttuToVt^b: 
measure does not stand in t*^%^^y °J /f^f '^rryin\ on the ^ar and to sustain the 
session for supplying men ^°^,^7^^*° ^^^^JSy the bill now before us. 
^tLl^ 'oJ rem^;i'to ^^^:^^oU but content myself with notic- 
ing a few of the leading questions ^^.^^^^J^V" ^'^^eches of gentlemen on the other 

Mr. Speaker. I ^^^^^^^^''^f'^'^ZTJlh^'i^^^^^^^ get an idea, if possible, 

side of the House, made in the course of this discus ion g ^^^.^^^^^^.^ ^^-^^ 

of the grounds of their opposition to this bill ^"^ ^J^' ^^ ^^^ tion through- 

. They h'ave. with scarcely an «^°f P^T ' .^J,"'^ J/ B,i.dw.!-,) in his speech of nearly 
out My colleague from the fifth d'^t, c . (Mr- Bs^^ ^^J ^ ^^^^^^^ ^.^^ 

an hour in length scarcely alluded Jo ^ ^"JJf^ e that his constituents will be 

beiiion* „ „ fUat the oeonle have put upon those old complaints 

Let me rem nd my «o"«»gJ« ^J^^^^f^^f roormnation ; thit his party has been be- 
against the administration ^^eir seal oi co misconstruction of 

ffre the people with that ^^^^ ^'^^^^.^^Ta Cs disgracef^ defeat and merited 
the acts of the administration, and met wiiu a mv 5 

"^"^^- „ . 4. „„„«r,lin£r to his owu admissions, are inconsistent with 

But my colleague's ^ets according to bi» ow administration is cor- 

his e.xpre..ed sentiments. I'^ «"«.X'' for its own aggrandizement and the per- 

';Sv7;Vi5rU'«rlrSfJ"5^^^^ 



^u^'^^ 



v^ 



^/. 




ti.<u.i.M,Mn«,„t«,k„u,,,.,,,,,,.i,.^ j^'- • « 't:' ';••''';"'"".«-'■■ '""1 i^ will 




/--.:::::l:;:;:;r:!z:r ;:;;:: r.;:::;;!t :^'^-'^- ^« « ."> --.i..- or 

H«n|.(u.i. ..!■ .al..KM,«,.lH a,..l con.liio ,«,,!" ",!;>/' ,*'''' »'"'r'-""»'"t«. "« n ,„•«. 
H un.l H. u I.HKl.t, .,.,,1 Kl..i..„. CT n' .. p ,V;'h' •"•^"'"'>^''^i"". '< ^^ iH 'v.r. 

to..gro.H„lo.u- una«rtlu,,.ow.rlua.lmit "vSutel: """ ^'" """»«mHl by 

»l.«ll l..rv« l.eeu -ululufj by ,ur« o «, S .! " '"'^"'."".""J ""-'L ....|.ellion 



>>«.i ...fvo l.eeu -ululufj by luro« of nnu. S „ "" -" "" ""U aitntjie iv .ellion 

8t«to.. a.o .ubverlea anil ovorth v j ^ '"'"•';'>• ['"'.K-'-'-Mneu,.. li t|„ 

th. Stat.,.. Htm .xi«t ami u,o in tl.o U, " . I K 7 ? *"'" '" -['"•"»"li'-«<io.. the 




Wlirttis'tt Sttttf 



Wl.at is a State, it. a ireneral s..,. V " 'H'"hi staiul pent. 

this r.,i..n. a.ui what:f;r;;hetr :!:;;: .::f^,r^^;^^-'- -'>• t. be « state «f 

t>ral Cuverameut while at war w tl 1 1 '111 uT^'V '•'^^>^'"i"" t^- H'e Oen- 
ytato. ure comjuered : "' *"^ '^***> ^^''' l>« t^^ose relations when thow 

M'hat is a State? (.'liuMfM)l.i>> !.■..»• i • >. 

«^i»ie» (-""UoeUot Kent, lu his Cotnmentiiries ^n 180 n 1. 1 



A MtHte, 111 iht^meHMiiiif ,>f •,ui>||« law (.„„.. , . ' ^^' '""'"• "•;' -^«ys 

I «iii, ana u ,u,oeptibie ;./o6n';?:ti:;:;^':;:i',^,;t"'' " •"^''»' p«'-":»>Hv.as a^uix^u 



$t«t'^ 'nrth^ Jlnt'^u of tuJZltuL^iT. r'TV 'l^^'^^y ^^' ""' oonstitute a 
uaiou is eitV.ted through the tl:n! > tvmuat ^ 'r?,' ^^'"f""^? ''*T' ^""«^ 
of government are made up of and oolLt r::::ititittl 2^1:^^^^^::^ 



West. Bee. Htel.8oo. 



V 



it woo<***urily fullown Mini. wln'n"v<\r thfl (loimlitnilon iukI U\v« of miy SIntc* (i\u\ by 

II of i,li(> |)otipl<» wliioh 
iiukIk tliitiM It Hlnlrt In Koiw, itiul ll>«y <m>h<<(> U\ \m\ i\ MIhIh. 



itny ini'iiiii MiiliviMli'd, uhioi^ntml, or ovM'MiriMvii, t.lm \ii\ioii 



<>M« of tUi\ ulirHMit,<>« of p[ov<>rriiii«'iil Id mtvi-rnimhty, Dtnli'i' our (li<<ory of fjfov- 
iirniiii'iit, Mov<>ri>lKi\ly U v<'«t.«il |>riiriftiHy ii> l\\i\ |>ii(»|il«, hut, oh jiittt, kIiowii, Uio 
|>nonl<> iii(. wM, llitM'i'fori' rxSl.ril«. WIk'Ii Iho |ii'o|il<t, liy vlrl,\i» of lliiil, MoviM'ojfijiil.y, 
miilK lliiMiini'lvfH IrtiTolliiir into onn Iwnly for t.lu' |viir|)OMiw llllMll^(l tiltovi', lliroiiijfli lU<\ 
I'orni'i of i^civoriiUKMil., Iln'y hi'nnl.lK' llw* lo-ciilh of Ijl'.- Iiilo lluil li.nly liy iiiv<'nl,ln)j; i(, 
witli Hovi'rt'i)(ril V ; itti<l tiw't), iiixl not niilll I ln'ii, do^tgi lJic« Sl.iil.i* tixixl,. Wlutii, 
tlH-rifori*, Mm m'oviMii merit, l,li« i)otly of tlw Sditf, dit^rt, wliiit lnu'omot of Mini riov 
uriiii^nl.y willi wliioli il. win m> IiivcnIi'iI, mid liy virl.nn of \vlii<ili ivloun i|, wuh niikdit 
u liviiif^ Krtiilf H, MiliiriiH to tlin |ii'0|ili\, nml itmy hn flxoroin"*! hy llifiu (A udi'o, (,I»i' 
imm« iw tlioiii^h no (^eivfrnituMit \\i\>\ "Viw dxIhIoiI 

Ho niiu'ti i\x to till* ^cticrRl flhnrin-li'riHtii'H of n "Sliito." 

UikVt till' .l«'iii(iiioiiN nl>ovrt j^ivKii, iiiwl wiiliin tlu> i^i«ii«riil moAiiliif^ of tlirt torm, 

th« (lovdiiii ( of llii« Hill It'll Stiiiv>H in " II SI III IV " ll, i-i II niiioii of llm pi'oplc, ntul 

of ftll III" p<'o|'l'', into one liocly or comiiiiniily for I.Iki piii'^ioscm iiiiiikmI in llic i|«ll 
nllioii ("IN I'll liy (."liuiii'i'llor Ki'iil. "We, lli" pi'opli' of l,lii< lliiilt'il Stnd'r*. in onlur 
to roi'iii H morn p<iil««it Union," itc, i« tin' liiiitMiiia;^ of thu pi'i«iimlilii In lli« ('ondtl- 
tiitio^i. It, M l.hi' niiproMio Stall' in nil ninili'i^ witliin tli<^ Ki'opn of iirt powiix iind 
Jiii'lN<lu't,ioii. It wuH iiivoHti'il liy thn poojili' with ii Hovi'ri'ii^iity nnporior to, uml mi- 
pri'iiii' ovor, 1)11 otlmiH ihfit mny or ciin oxiti any wIhmi' within iU |iiri'<i1ii'lioii. 

To bi'i'.oiiii' and to hi> a Stufn of Ilic I'tiion I'l'ijiiiiiM thii I'xpri'nH ni'lloii of Cun^fri'HH, 
luimittiii)^ it. ax miu'Ii, aii<l I'm iMiliiiiiMtinn to tlH' ('oiiHlil utloii and liwi of tlm Union. 

I'lac.li Stiiti'/llmrulctro, owi'rt itH (ixiHt(>iiri< originally to tlio mai'dad' and cNpri'HH 
I'oiiNoiit of tlii« HUprmni' Stall', llu' (JiMii-ral <!ovi'iiimuiit j and all tlii< jioopl^ of raoli 
Mtnti', mid lliiiStali'H llifiiiw(«lvi<«, owe primary iilli((ianc!i' to thai ««p«iior wov<'r<'ijj;iity. 

My vi«w, ihi'n, i* thin: tint Oiivcrniiiciit h iIu' Stale; it-^ mml and eMuenco '\n llio 
Boveieimity witli wliieli tlio jieopU' have invi'i|«d it for oerlain Hpi'niHed eiiiU; 
anionic wliieli <'nd>« Im oliedienci* to tlie national CoiiHtitntion nnil laWK, Wlien Hiieli 
government heeomei Kiiliverni vii of thoMc end", or iii"el(i\ liy virtiin of that miver- 
vi^nty with whioh it Iiiih been inveNted^ to liiing the people In eoiilliet with that 
Miip«rior Hoveri'i^iil.y to whieli they own illle(j;iiinee, or when mieh (^ovi'rnment he- 
comert aliroL(iilflil or diMli'iiyed hy any iiieaiiK, the Hovnrei|^nly with whieh ir wim in- 
vnNted retiinm to tln> peoplo, t,o he exi'reiH«d hy thoiii iln nono. When a Statu iiaa 
thuK, hy itH\iwn act, henonm divi'Htod of itn MoviM-fij^nty, ItH noiil and cHueiU'ti in |u;<)in', 
anil it ueaHi'H to oxint an a Statrt of th« Union. 

It down not ^fo (lilt of the Union; that in impoHnihlo. Tlio idea involves IIk- ah 
Miirdity thill, a Stale of thin Union ran exi^t oiitKidi) nf thi' Union. It nimply eea«ei> 
to exist when it ceaMen to he a Slate of the Union. If in Hiidi <!ii»ie it eoniiniicn to 
inaiiilaiii the I'oriim of an exiNteiiee, hy foiee or olIierwiMc, it !•< an exerertei<ne» upon 
the hody politii) of the nation, to ho removed and diHt^olvml to make rooni for tlio 
pxereimi of national Hovernignty and for lei^ilimate State i)t'p;ani/.allonH by the peoplo. 

TliB Mtiporior •ovcK'ignty and jiiriKiliotion eatinot he do«lroyed or impain'd hy tlio 
dontriietion, Huhv«rnion, or ahiojjalion of the inferior. And lieiiee when the iiih-iior 
oeaAort to oxiitt the national uutliorily remainn ai comjilelo m hefoin over tlie entiro 
territory and people. 

'r«rrit.ory in not the Slato. It Ih tho hahitatioii of tho Stale. It preacrihoH 
tho h.'iindarieH of iu loiml jnriidietion. In a (.^ovornrncntal acum territory ia 
national, and roiiiainM national tlifl Matno after a St;.ito orp;ani/.ation an hotoro. 
To illimtruto; tho people of any portion of the national torriiory may k<i through 
tho forum of orjfanizinf^ ft Stato government hy adopting a conMlitiition and 
olei'tiiig olliceiH under it, hut it oannoi, oeeiipy a ninglo foot of territory M 
u State any whore within tho national hoiiiidarien, and ha" no Htiinclinji; whatever, 
without tho previoud eonnent of Oongren-^. When OongrcMH yieldii iIu ai^nitnt 
and preHcrihoH tho houndarie* of tho new orgnni/iillon, then, and not until thon, 
it has a footing to Htmid upon; hui national jiiriH<ii<;tion ovor Hinli territory 
is not therohy Bupplanled or impaired. Tho new organization eomoH in 
under 'and mihjwt to national juriHdietion and sovi^rcdgnty. And what folly would 
it ho "to ijoiiten.l that the national (Mivernmeiit could not afterward^ aMHert it« juriii- 
diotion and Hovoroigiity over Huch territory to the entiro exdluHJon of a foroig'i 
I'owor Urtiiriiing «neli State government, and even of such State government ilielf, 
if Biihverted and Hought to be maintained in defiant oppoiiition to the national au- 
thority I 



And yi'h Uior« aro tlioee who contend, notwithstanding a State is in open and de- 
fliinl, ithoUioii iij^dinBl the Fftdcral aiilliority, yet that it is (-ntitled to the rights, 
i.rivilcgcs, and iniiminitifis to whicli it Ixcarno entitled on being admitted into the 
Union. ThiH doctrine involves the absurdity that, iiUhougli il was neeeasary for 
eueli States to Bubinit themselves to the superior binding force of the national Con- 
Btitution and laws, in order to become a State, and be entitled as such to the righte, 
)>rivileges, and iinniunitieB of a State of the Union, yet thatia continuance of its 
existence as a Sliite of the Union and of its rights and privileges as such does not 
de|U'nd ii)ion a continuance of its 8iibmit?8ion to national authority. 

This brings us to a more minute consideration of the questions, "What are the 
true relations of the States iu rebellion to the (General (Jovernment while at war 
with it?" and "What will be those relations when those States are conquered?" 

Wo speak of them as Htatfs in rfl)ellion. It will be seen tliat this is not a con- 
tradiction in terms, as might at iirst appear; but that in this idea lies a strong argu- 
ment that l>y their rebellion they have ceased to be States of the Union. Those 
organiziitions now at war with this mition are not new organizations, endeavoring 
to supplant and usurp. the territory and jurisdiction of the old. They are the same 
old organizations, operating undtr the same old constitution and laws. We are not 
contending to prevent some foreign Tower from usurping the government of those 
States. From the very nature of tiie case we are not spending all this blood '*and 
treasure in endeavoring to aid those States, to sustain their position in the Union, 
and as a part of it, against the depn dations of some foreign Power. No,Bii'. As has been 
alreaily shown, those Stales have by their own acts ceased to be States of the Union. 
JUit they keep uj) the form of a Slate government — the same foi'rn as . before. 
They have entered into a new confederacjy. In both these capacities they constitute 
a power (Zry'izf<o ; and as such power they are endeavoring not to sujiplant and 
usurp the old State governments — iL is absurd to say that a power is endeavoring to 
Bup|)hint itself — but the effoi't on their part is to supplant and usurp the national 
Government; and it is against that usurpation that we are contending. 

We speak of them as States, and call them by their old names; but it is a mere 
matter of descri|)tion ; a convenient mode of expression. They once were States 
of the Union. In form they still iiuiinlain the same organization and the same 
geographical boundiiries; and as a convenient and ready designation of them as a 
power (!r facto we call them by the .«ame old names. 

In calling them States, and treating them as powers dc facto, we do not concede 
the right or the legal power of secession. We deny the right, of secession, and yet, 
as in the case of these States, it may l)ecorae a fact. -It has become such, but by 
wrong, by tlie highest of crimes, treason, robbery, and murder; nevertheless it is 
no less a fact. By it, however, came death and dissolution to the body-j>olitic of 
thosv' States, not by virtue of their resolutions and otKcial or conventioiml declara- 
tions of secession alone, for the.<e were mere nullities, and they were meaningless 
until followed by action. When followed by action, by forcible resistance to Fed- 
eral authority, these resolutions and declarations had a meaning. They showed the 
aniiiniit of such resistance, the intention of it, and the extent to whicli it was in- 
tended to reach. They tended to show that such resistance was intended to be by 
the Stales in their corporate eapaeity. They showed that such resistance was not 
for redress of grievances under the national Gove>-nment, but for its entire abroga- 
tion and destruction, so far as tlicy were concerned ; that they became and now are 
enemies witliin our borders and upon our own territory ; and that the war has 
been, is, and must continue to be on our part for the maintenance of the existence 
of the national Government and the integrity of its territory. 

We recognize them, however, as belligerents only. They have not been lecog- 
nized by us or bj* the nations of tiie world in any other capacity. When an in- 
surreeliou becomes civil war and the necessity occurs to treat the insurgents as 
belligerents has bei-n so ably ditcussed aud elucidated b}' the gentleman from Penn- 
sylvatiia, (Mr. Bkoomall,) and others on this floor, who have preceded me, that I 
will not take up the time of the House with anj- remarks upon that point. It is 
sufficient for my present purpose that it has been authoritatively determined by 
judicial decision, and by the action of all the branches 'of the Government,! that 
this contest is war, and that the rights and immunities of belligerents attach. F'rom 
which it follows that the contest must be conducted under the rules of war, recog- 
nized as such by civilized nations; and further, that in its conclusion and results 
the contending parties must be governed by the same rules. 

The "southern confederacy' " aud the States of which it is composed have no 



i 



Btanding, therefore, except by virtue of those belligerent rights. And hence they 
must stand or fall by the rules of war. They are belligerents because of their mil- 
itary power; and they will remain belligerents so long, and so long only, as they 
have an organized army in the field, and because they have it. Everything de- ' 
pends upon the success or defeat of their arms. Ii they succeed, they then emerge 
into a civil government, and are entitled to be placed among the nations of the 
earth. If they fail, if their military power is broken up and destroyed, they are 
destroyed with it, and are nothing. The rebellious States have submiited their 
right to national existence to the fate of war, and by that fate they must abiae. 

But who are the parties to the war, and what are the immediate results of con- 
quest by either? The parties are, upon the one side, a portion of the people of 
this nation in insurrection, organized into a formidable military power and assum- 
ing to exercise all the functions of civil government, (throuijh the forms and ma- 
chinery of government known as States which had once existed under and as a 
part of the national Government,) seeking a dismemberment of the r.ation and the 
establishment of (heir own independence ; and upon the otiier side of the national 
Government itself seeking to maintain its integrity. 

The integrity of the Government, as before shown, is to be maintained by break- 
ing up the military power of the*iusurgents, which, as we have seen, must be done 
under the laws of war. According to those laws the successful party is conquerer 
and the other ie conqU'ered ; and all the rights, liabilities, and disabilities of con- 
quest follow. If we succeed we make no conquest of territory, because that is al- 
ready ours. We simply succeed, in that respect, in bringing that which is our own 
again under our conti-ol. But we do make conquest of the people, and of the en- 
tire people, within the insurrectionary district ; because by the rules of war all the 
people witiiin the enetnies jurisdiction are enemies. Bj' the same laws we succeed 
to the right not only to govern the conquered but to dictate to them the form of 
government which they shall adopt, limited only by our own constitutional powers. 

It is absurd, and illogical, and in contravention of the plainest rules of war, to 
contend liiat States, which have thus formally forsworn their allegiance to the Gov- 
ernment and submitted tiie question to the arbitrament of war, are entitled never- 
theless to all their rights and immunities under the national Constitution and laws. 
As well might it be said thatnations at war with each other might insist upon the 
observance of former treaties of commerce and of diplomatic courtesies. No, sir, 
war abrogates all compacts, and the belligerents are remitted to the inexorable laws 
of war ill all their intercourse with each other. And thei'e is no difference in this 
respect between a civil war and a war with a foreign nation. 

In our case, so far as i^tate rights are cmcerned, and to the extent to which those 
rights exist, we may treat tlie enemy, when subdued, as aconquei'ed foreign Power; 
but so far as the powers and jurisdiction of the General Government are supreme 
or even concuiront, the people at war wilh_ it are domestic enemies and traitors, 
and on being subjugated are liable to be treated as such. Hence, the States thus at 
war are liable to have their respective State governments and their existence as 
States treated as abrogated and at an end, in the same manner and to the same ex- 
tent as in the case of a subjugated foreign Power. But while this is the case the 
powers and jurisdiction of the General Government remain just as they were before 
the war, unaffected and unimpaired, over all the territory of those States, and all 
the people which sliall be found remaining there ; and that to the same extent and 
to be exercised in the .same manner as if such State governments had never existed. 
If rebels iind traitors are found there, treat them just as you would rebels and 
traitors found unywhcre within our jurisdiction ; convict them and hang them, or 
grant them amnesty, as may seem meet. 

So far, then, as those organizations known as States are engaged as auch in this 
contest it is war to all iuteits and purposes; and so far as the people in their char- 
acter as citizens of the United States are concerned it is civil war ; in each of which 
conditions, however, the national Government has the same rights and powers as in 
the other. 

In deciding the prize ca?e3, so called, in 1862, the Supreme Court of the United 
States lakl down the following doctrine in relation to the present contest : 

" The present civil war between the United States and the so-called confederate States Has such 
character and magnitude as to give the United States the same rights and powers which they 
might exercise in the case of a national or foreign war."— 2 Black, 6:36. 

And again, quoting Vattel as authority, the court say, (page 6G7 :) 



" ' A- civil war,' says Vattel, ' brealjs the bands of society and government, or at least suspends 
their force and effect ; it produces in the nation two independent parties, who consider each other 
as enemies, and aclmowledge no common judge. Those two parties, therefore, naist necessarily 
be considered as constituting between, at least for a time, two separate bodies, two distinct socie- 
ties. Having no common superior to judge by them, they stand in i)reei6ely the same predica- 
ment as two nations who engage in a contest and have recourse to arms.' " 

In this view of the case, and bo far as we have the right by the laws of war to 
dictate terms to the conquered, and grant amnesty to domestic enemies, the procla- 
mation of the President, accompanying his last annual message to Congress, was not 
only competent, right, and proper, but was clearly within the scope of liis war 
powers as Cojnmander-in-Chief of the military and naval forces of the nation. But 
when these people, or any portion of tliem, wish to organize a State government, 
and be admitted as one of the States of the Union, the conseat of Congress is neces- 
sary, and upon this point there seems to be no difference of opinion. It is one of the 
features of this bill to provide for such emergency. ; 

But Congress has not tlie power to create State governments for the people; it 
has the power only to admit them as States when organized by the people. Con- 
gress, nevertheless, has the power to prescribe the terms upon which such new 
States may be admitted, and to govern the territory and the people until State go- 
vernments are organized and admitted as such. If is anottier of the features of this 
bill to meet this latter emergency. 

Such, then, are my viesvs of the statiin of the rebellious States, and the power of 
the national Government over the territory and people of which they were made 
up, deduced from piinciple and authority. 

I will not detain the House with any argument to show the justice of the retri- 
bution thus brought upon those States by their crime. It seems like a waste of 
time to discuss so self-evident a proposition. 

So much, then, as to the power of the national Government over the people and 
territory involved in the rebellion. What is its duty toward them for the good of 
the whole people aud the future peace and stability of the Government is etill an- 
other question. 

In oidinary transactions in life, when we set about remedjing an evil, our first 
step is to search for and destroy or remove its cause ; or, if the cause be already 
removed or de:#troyed, then our elfoi'ts, if wise, are directed-toward avoiding or pre- 
venting its recurrence. 

That slaver}- is the cause of the present rebellion no sane man doubts ; and no 
man whose judgment is not warped by interest or trammeled and tied down by old 
party bonds, and perverted by old party dogmas, will deny or even cavil about it. 
And it is equally clear to all thinking men whose minds are free to t!;ink correctly 
upon this subject, that the insurgents will continue the war upon this Government 
so long as there remains a vestige of the accursed institution to fight for, and they 
have an aj-my left in the field. 

Yes, sir, slavery has hung upon the nation like an incubus ever since it has had 
an existence. It is no part of the Vjody-politic of the nation. It is an excrescence 
upon it, a horrible disease that has been festering upon its surface, en fevering the 
entire system, until at last it has struck at the very vitals cf the nation ; aud unless 
destroyed and entirely removed the body must die. 

As in the animal economy, when any portion of the body is so diseased that the 
functions of life and growth are materially interfered with, so in this. If there be 
sufBcient vitality remaining, there will be formed what the surgeons call a line of 
deraarkation between the diseased flesh and the healthy, and the former dies and 
sloughs off, and the bod}' is saved. Aud as in such eases the skillful surgeon 
watches for this indication of natuie, and when it appears, at once amputates the 
diseased part, aud thus aids nature in restoring the body to health, so in this case 
the line of demarkation formed, and by the breaking out of the rebellion it became- 
clearly delineated upon the body-politic. The diseased portion — slavery — at once 
commenced to die and slough off. The President, like the skilful surgeon, althougii 
perhaps a little tardy, applied the knife of emancipation ; but it remains for Con- 
gress to finish the operation. Let us complete the work with a bold hand and 
strong nerves, and at once and forever remove this poisonous ulcer, this vile excres- 
cence, from the body of the nation, and thus not only save its life, but restore it to 
renewed healih and vigor. To aid in bringing about this result is still another 
feature of this bill. 

I have said that slavery constitutes no part of the body-politic. That is so. It 
is no part of the national Government. It is neither head, body, limb, hand, noy 



. foot ^rii coD9titut« none of its vital functions. ,The Constitution and the Goverfl 
ment are compete without It. What branch of the Government cannot be™ 
ducted without the exis ence of slavery ? What part of the motive power wh^t 
portion of the tundamental framework or machinery of the Constitution do you re 
move or interfere with by destroyintj slavery ? -^ 

_ The fundamental elements of the Constitution are those which establish the nrin 
Ciples and policy upon which the Government shall be conducted. Slavery was not 
among the principles thus established. Neither did it constitute any pS<- of he 
policy upon which theGovernment was to be conducted. It existed before the 
Constitution, and that instrument silentl.^^ suffers its continuance. .Simnlv t^ at and 

Constitution as it is unless slavery is re-established, or at lea'st permitted in all tne 

territory in which it formerly existed ? ' "'ti.u, in an ine 

That slavery exists by virtue of State laws alone, is a proposition which cannot 

be, and 1 believe is noc, controverted Therefore, when tho e laws cease no matter 

and that w, hou . and, ,f you please, ,n spite of Presidential proclamations, and 
without any legislative or constitutional enactments whatsoever 

As i have before shown, the constitutions and laws of the Statesin rebellion h«v*> 
ceased to exist, and the people are remitted to their original right to or^ize new 
State governments under the Constitution and laws of the Union As one of thi 
results .f this state of thin^^s, slavery has ceased to exist. The o.dy obiect and 
purpose to he effected now by con,.ressi..nal enactment and constifJLal amend 
ment IS o prohibit Us re-establishment forever ; and while wrare aW t Jtt 

runda:;:;: '^ "'""'^^ '"-""^'^"^ ''^ ^-^-^ ^-=^'^ -^ b^^adih ^t:';^z 

fnVll '^ ,'' *^%^"*>' ""^ t^« Government to do this has become too well established 
to even almu, of argument. It has been a.ljudicated and determined by the ver 
diet and judgment ot the people. It is righf in and of itself. It is ju^t and the 
people demand that it shall be don.. If this Congress does no^. tlVe the init ative 
the next will be composed of men who will. The people are awake to th Jsub ect 
and understand its merits. They are moving, and in the rig d ec.ion S 

True there still exists a remnant of a once powerful party, but now weak and 
Zf.fT '",'!"'" t^'-^' ^'"«h from interest c!r blind pLty p-ejudice oi bot stHl 

' hd m- wim si'i^v r'"" "1 ''"''T' '"■" "' «- -T. a-1 --- dete^miu'ed to 
sinli 01 swnn, survive or perish wi'h it. And notwithstanding that the vanish- 

lilfl i "^'•-'"■J. w»"le It accepts the fruits of their cooperation, yet with all 

mother-in law upon bended knees and with outstretched arms they beseech their 
once powerful protector as Ruth besought Naomi : ^ 

God ; where thou diest vi I die an i h. re wVii 7.'^ ?' " i"''l,^*' ?*^' '."'"'^'•'' '"'" "'>' ^'"^ ■»>' 
also, if aught but dealVSn thee\Z me! ' ^' buried : the Lord do .o to me, and more 

Th1i'";>roi3'lei? f^r""^ and th 1^^,, p„^^^^ ^,^ ^,.^ .^ ^^^^ ^.^^^ ^^^ revolution. 
tion SX M^ 't " *"^ Lhis discussion are because we are involved in revolu- 

erJ ■ .n^y. ■» r' " "'•'^''"' xnbstifucion ; and of what? Of freedom for slav- 
llLy\onZ^AL ^^■^''"*««'«^<^0' P^^'^^d itself inimical to civil liberty, to the Con- 
suution, and to republican institutions. 

8i8?ed unori!7r' °f "'"^'•"* '1'"' ^'"^ «"*'"*^^°i«"t of its immediate victims, in- 

Sument? a"T": '" ^f* '^*' "" "^^ ^°^''^'*^^' its power, its wealth and its 
ests aTl :-n -1 T^^V'''':"?^'' congressional enactments'^ controlled by its inter- 
ments lZ!i;7l -""m"''^ *^^j-''^'°"^ '" furtherance of its purposes, it. e.ic.oach- 
of U e J rs?./ w '' ' "°*^ * ^""y ^'^"^ "P f'""^ ^^^ g'-«^t body of the people 

slave poTeiant'ir ^?'" ™^°y '" ^''« ^>'^-« States, against the aggressions' of fhe 
die Tnd noV'sf. tTV ^^'^^ '^ ^^''«"'d ««"«"« it^^lf to its own iMriicular dom- 
liWi^fortlrr; u.;^ri"Tt '" entire nation, and attempt' to confol the 
modernPharroh o M ?i? , '"''f, *'"' ^'""^ ''^ Liberty, deniaoding of this 

modem 1 haraoh to let the people go." But, like its ancient prototype, us heart 



8 • 

was hardened, and it refused. At length the people arose in their mj^^^^ -d «." . 
serted their right under the ConsUtuUon /o rale and Ba^i ^/^^^j'^^/^ J„ J„ 
;^-^?fe:'a:i^^^iSt^e^ If^^lf ^r^y" -, hut no .rther 

'^TllJn^the'l'ave power rebelled, and. like the ancient Egyptians sought to destroy 

thJ^nl^iJ i{:^)d^olongeren.ave F^^^^ 

wescarcelyknewwh.therBa the pilar otcloua ^.^_^^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^^^ ^^^ 



"'iM^Sfre Pr'dJnt'of the United States, in obedience to a Power mightier 
thi^ Slit Mo'^: 'old., stretched out his hand over t..e s^a. -das - ea., 
and a north and a west wind as we 1, blew, ^^l^'^'f'^^^^^^^^^ and 

ny Soon the waters will come aga.n-ay. ^'•«.<^«'^';/^f ^J,"„7h ",' upon their 
dfed thousand firmed men that once were ^^l-- --s-apon h^^,^^^ p^^^^ ^^^^^ 

chariots, and upon ihe.r horsemen, and all t;,^^;*^;*f.,^*J^,;;,, that volur.tarily ad- 
come inio the midst of the sea after us, together with ^ ^ '^^^« J, ^..troyed, and 

here to then, will be engulfed by the ^ --gJ-^Xnd th s J ople'shall wLk upon 
there shall not remain so much as one of them! ^nlth P i ^^ „„broken 

dry land, and emerge u. to renevved "'^;'°° fj Jf "J.fiYe^l ^nd unadulterated, lib- 
Union in the one hand, and in the oth^r '^f;!>' ^"^f ijbertY that makes a people 
erty without contradietions, liberty regulated by law, libertj 

free indeed. 



Lemuel Towers, Printer, 



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